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Aze.Media > Opinion > What lies ahead for Azerbaijan in the Syrian landscape?
Opinion

What lies ahead for Azerbaijan in the Syrian landscape?

The specifics of potential humanitarian collaboration remain unclear. However, Azerbaijan’s expertise may soon prove valuable in Syria.

AzeMedia
By AzeMedia Published December 18, 2024 1.2k Views 7 Min Read
December 13 2024 Aleppo Syria 13 December 2024 A Major Rally Takes Place In Aleppo On Victory F

The Syrian government appears to be preparing to reassess—and likely enhance—its relations with Azerbaijan. According to Minval, an unnamed source from the office of Syria’s new prime minister has disclosed this to the media. The outlet ArabAZ cites the source as saying, “Syria places great importance on its relationship with Azerbaijan, and the injustices committed against Azerbaijan during Assad’s rule do not reflect the position of the Syrian people toward the Azerbaijani nation.”

The source elaborated, “Unfortunately, previous Syrian authorities, acting against the interests of the local population, neglected ties with Azerbaijan. Moreover, the Assad regime turned the country into a training ground for terrorist organizations that opposed the Azerbaijani people. These actions of Assad’s dictatorial regime never represented the views of ordinary Syrians.” The source also praised Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s statement expressing readiness, alongside Turkey, to assist in resolving Syria’s humanitarian challenges: “We are encouraged by President Ilham Aliyev’s declaration. We highly value this initiative and, without a doubt, plan to leverage many Azerbaijani developments as soon as internal stability is fully restored.”

While the source did not specify which terrorist organizations were involved, it is worth noting that various Armenian terrorist groups have been active in Syria. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, reports surfaced of fighters arriving from Syria to support Armenia. Furthermore, Armenia has cooperated closely with the PKK, whose leadership enjoyed provocative hospitality under Assad’s regime. The infrastructure of Hezbollah—implicated in the assassination of Azerbaijani academician Ziya Bunyatov and other exposed terrorist plots in Azerbaijan—was also established there. Additionally, Azerbaijani nationals who fought in Syria, including those reportedly sent for “combat training” by figures like Tohid Ibrahimbeili, complicate the narrative.

The specifics of potential humanitarian collaboration remain unclear. However, Azerbaijan’s expertise may soon prove valuable in Syria. Azerbaijan has significant experience in humanitarian demining, which Syria urgently needs, as well as in reconstructing cities and villages destroyed to their foundations. Since liberating territories previously occupied by Armenia four years ago, Azerbaijan has demonstrated remarkable progress in rebuilding communities from scratch, including homes, infrastructure, roads, and utilities.

Looking ahead, potential areas for cooperation could include investments, resource extraction, and social initiatives. Azerbaijan already implements the ASAN Xidmet program in several countries and has supported Tajikistan in establishing its Audit Chamber.

Azerbaijan also has unique experience from 1993 when it resolved the challenge of “armed opposition without civil war” under the leadership of Heydar Aliyev. This expertise could be invaluable for Syria, a country still grappling with the question of how to address a vast number of militants—battle-hardened and well-acquainted with the power of firearms and makeshift warfare.

Historically, Bashar al-Assad himself attempted to foster ties with Azerbaijan. In 2009, he visited the country as part of broader efforts to strengthen relations with Ankara, even recognizing Turkey’s borders, including Hatay. Discussions were held about gas supplies from Azerbaijan, but these efforts faltered. Assad’s growing alignment with Moscow to revive the Tartus naval base, his repressive response to Arab Spring-inspired protests, and rekindled territorial disputes with Turkey ultimately led to the outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011. Azerbaijan closed its embassy in Syria the following year.

Now, with talks in Damascus hinting at a renewed relationship with Baku, the dynamics have shifted. Azerbaijan’s alignment in Syria is firmly with Turkey, underscoring the fraternal ties between Baku and Ankara. This cooperation also reflects a broader geopolitical realignment.

Under Assad, Syria was a key player in the military-political bloc Iran was building in the region, with religion often serving as the binding force. Tehran even maintained close ties with Yerevan despite Armenia’s occupation of Azerbaijani territories, destruction of mosques and cultural sites in Karabakh, and the displacement of nearly 1 million Azerbaijanis. Tehran’s efforts to draw Azerbaijan into this bloc ultimately failed, as they were destined to. Today, Azerbaijan remains outside the “losing coalition” and instead is working in close partnership with Turkey in Syria. This cooperation serves not only Azerbaijan and Turkey but also the Syrian people, who are weary of the so-called “protection” offered by Assad’s foreign allies.

Nurani

Translated from minval.az

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