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Aze.Media > Opinion > Today – Azerbaijanis, tomorrow it could be Kazakhs, Tajiks, or Uzbeks: The massacre in Yekaterinburg mirrors Russian xenophobia
Opinion

Today – Azerbaijanis, tomorrow it could be Kazakhs, Tajiks, or Uzbeks: The massacre in Yekaterinburg mirrors Russian xenophobia

The bloody events that unfolded in Yekaterinburg on June 26 shocked not only Azerbaijanis around the world but also resonated deeply with anyone who considers humanity more than just a fashionable concept.

AzeMedia
By AzeMedia Published June 29, 2025 1.2k Views 6 Min Read
39 1

During a raid carried out by Russian security forces, two ethnic Azerbaijanis were killed—one of whom was a Russian citizen. Several others were seriously injured, and dozens were detained.

These events have sparked widespread outrage and once again cast doubt on the real commitment of the Russian authorities to the principles of humanity and legality, which they claim their state is built upon.

The fact that one of the victims was a Russian citizen invalidates any narrative about the “legality” of his presence in the country. This was not a crackdown on illegal migrants—even though such brutal and senseless violence could not be justified in that context either. What happened was clearly an act of intimidation with a distinctly ethnic character.

The infamous Great Russian chauvinism—promoted as state policy by official Moscow—has manifested itself on a local scale in Yekaterinburg.

Given the direction of Russian national policy, such developments could be anticipated. Still, few would have imagined that hatred toward other ethnic groups would erupt into such an unprecedented and bloody display. And it’s not only about Azerbaijanis.

In recent years, a disturbing trend has emerged in Russia: people from other ethnic backgrounds, especially those from the Caucasus and Central Asia, increasingly become victims of discrimination, violence, and systemic pressure.

State media and various propagandists have been actively cultivating the image of an “enemy within,” portraying non-ethnic Russians as sources of crime and instability. This is xenophobia institutionalized as official ideology.

Predictably, the Russian establishment—in particular, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs—rushed to defend the violent actions of the security forces. The MFA justified the Yekaterinburg operation by referencing a crime allegedly committed by Azerbaijanis back in 2001.

But such a justification from a high-level government body only provokes indignation. Even if one were to accept the premise that a serious crime was committed by Azerbaijanis 24 years ago, how could that possibly justify the killing and torture of unarmed individuals who offered no resistance?

The massacre orchestrated by Russian security forces in Yekaterinburg cannot be written off as an isolated incident. It is part of a broader pattern of Kremlin’s anti-Azerbaijani policies.

The downing of an Azerbaijani aircraft late last year, large-scale cyberattacks by Russian hackers on Azerbaijani information infrastructure, the humiliating deportation of an Azerbaijani MP, and now the killings in Yekaterinburg—all of these fall into the same criminal logic of Russia’s northern leadership.

Even more alarming is the fact that Russia’s discriminatory policies against people with the “wrong appearance, language, or surname” are rapidly approaching a point of no return.

Today it’s Azerbaijanis. Tomorrow it could be Tajiks, Uzbeks, Kazakhs, or Kyrgyz. Xenophobia in Russia is gaining momentum.

Anyone who believes this does not concern them is gravely mistaken. In an authoritarian system built on ethnic hierarchy, every non-Russian is a potential target.

In its increasing international isolation—brought on by its aggression against Ukraine—Russia should reflect on the fact that such actions are alienating even its few remaining friends and partners.

Especially considering that Azerbaijan signed a declaration of allied cooperation with Russia on February 22, 2022.

If other post-Soviet countries take a close look at Azerbaijan’s experience and draw the appropriate conclusions, Moscow may soon find itself left with only Tehran and Pyongyang as partners. The nature of that trio speaks for itself.

One final point deserves emphasis. If this is how Russia treats its own citizens, it is not hard to imagine how its military behaves in occupied Ukrainian territories—how they treat prisoners of war, and the horrors inflicted upon Ukrainian civilians.

Everything now depends on the Kremlin’s response. The authorities can acknowledge the wrongdoing, punish those responsible, and attempt to restore trust. Or they can continue to sink deeper into primitive chauvinism, leaving no doubt about the true face of “friendly” Moscow.

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