The summit confirmed that today, the center of gravity for key regional decisions has decisively shifted into the region itself. Regional actors have demonstrated their ability to tackle complex issues directly and transparently—without intermediaries.
A notable example is the participation of Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian in the ECO leaders’ summit. It had been expected that he might skip the event, particularly in light of inflammatory statements by some Iranian politicians accusing Azerbaijan of allegedly assisting Israel in its war against Iran. However, his visit to Azerbaijan dispelled such speculations and served as a powerful signal in favor of continuing dialogue between the two countries. The warm greetings exchanged by the two leaders visually underlined the atmosphere of mutual understanding and goodwill.
Prior to the summit, Pezeshkian made noteworthy remarks expressing the new Iranian administration’s intention to resolve longstanding issues related to education in the mother tongue for Azerbaijanis living in Iran. This stance resonates not only with Azerbaijan but also with Türkiye, laying the groundwork for constructive cooperation among the three nations.
It was within this constructive atmosphere that the Iranian President met with both his Azerbaijani and Turkish counterparts.
Another striking development was the presence of the President of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, Ersin Tatar, who held talks with the leaders of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan during joint meetings also attended by Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev. This is especially significant given that, just a few months earlier, a joint declaration by Central Asian leaders and the EU had reaffirmed the territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus—prompting speculation of a crisis in Türkiye–Central Asia relations. The latest summit clearly disappointed those who believed that such tensions would evolve into a systemic rift or even open conflict.
The summit also saw a thaw in previously dormant dialogue between Baku and Ashgabat. The attendance of Turkmenistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Rashid Meredov and his meeting with President Ilham Aliyev signaled a possible reactivation of bilateral relations.
Striking images from the summit spoke volumes about the participants’ commitment to open dialogue. In the speeches of heads of state and delegation leaders, there was a shared confidence that the organization’s next chapter will be defined by practical steps to foster multilateral cooperation.
A particularly noteworthy development was the presence of a senior Taliban representative for the first time in years—Afghanistan’s Deputy Prime Minister Abdul Ghani Baradar. Promoting his country as a favorable investment destination, Baradar even proposed that the next ECO summit be held in Kabul. Remarkably, just days earlier, Russia had become the first country to officially recognize the Taliban regime since its return to power in August 2021. On July 3, 2025, the Russian Foreign Ministry accepted the credentials of the new ambassador of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, Gul Hassan Hassan—calling it a “historic step.”
Many regional and global players are currently striving to establish relations with the Taliban, each with its own motives. In May 2025, Pakistan upgraded diplomatic relations with Afghanistan from a liaison office to a full embassy and appointed an ambassador. Given the unresolved border disputes and Islamabad’s long-standing fears that Afghanistan could serve as a base for interference in its internal affairs, stable relations with Kabul are seen as essential for Pakistan’s national security.
China, meanwhile, is drawn to Afghanistan’s vast natural resources. Central Asian nations are primarily concerned with potential destabilization emanating from Afghanistan and are working to build predictable relations with the Taliban to mitigate such risks. Even India has used frictions between the Taliban and Pakistan to expand its influence in the region. Against this backdrop, Russia—long harboring its own strategic interests in the region—is trying to act preemptively.
Overall, the geopolitical context loomed large over the summit. The recently concluded Iran–Israel war, deteriorating relations between ECO member states and powerful external actors, growing global instability, and trade disputes have all prompted neighboring countries to seek practical solutions to safeguard their interests.
The fact that Baku provided a platform for such solutions—and facilitated progress toward them—shows that the era of externally imposed decisions is over. So too is the era when Khankendi was held hostage by a puppet separatist regime.
Ilgar Velizade
