Russia has reacted with noticeable irritation to Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s public call to restore the Ijevan–Gazakh and Gyumri–Kars railway lines, writes Azerbaijani outlet haqqin.az.
Although no official statements have yet come from Russian state institutions, the Kremlin-aligned expert community and pro-government media have made it clear that Moscow is not interested in reviving railway infrastructure that has been idle for 35 years and links Armenia with Azerbaijan and Türkiye.
It should be recalled that since 2008 Armenia’s railways have been operated by Russian Railways (RZD), and this is precisely what Pashinyan refers to when arguing that the restoration of the Ijevan–Gazakh and Gyumri–Kars lines falls within Russia’s area of responsibility.
Earlier, Pashinyan said he had raised this issue in a conversation with Russian President Vladimir Putin at an informal CIS summit in St. Petersburg, but preferred not to disclose Moscow’s reaction.
In a recent public statement, the Armenian prime minister formulated his position even more sharply, stressing that Russia should restore the railway lines connecting Armenia with Azerbaijan and Türkiye “as soon as possible, up to the immediate start of works.”
The reasons for the negative reaction in Russia are both economic and political.
First, Russian Railways has been facing financial difficulties for several years and does not have spare resources for large-scale infrastructure projects. According to expert estimates, restoring the Ijevan–Gazakh line alone could cost up to $500 million.
Second, Moscow is extremely wary of the TRIPP project and the transfer of a 43-kilometer section of the Zangezur corridor under U.S. control.
Third, normalization processes in the region — including the opening of transport links between Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Türkiye — are developing without Russia’s participation, objectively weakening Moscow’s political and economic influence in the South Caucasus.
Russian experts and media commentators interpreted Pashinyan’s appeal as an attempt at pressure, and even as an ultimatum.
Political analyst Vadim Siproff said that the Armenian prime minister is trying to solve his own political tasks at Russia’s expense. According to him, Pashinyan is once again attempting to shift the implementation of a strategically important project for Yerevan onto the shoulders of the state corporation Russian Railways, while offering no clear answer regarding the goals of restoring these lines or the expected volumes of freight traffic. In this logic, the expert believes, the move looks more like an attempt by Yerevan to demonstrate loyalty to Western partners than a well-thought-out economic project.
Siproff also recalled that after the effective failure of the idea of a “Zangezur corridor” under Russian patronage, Yerevan has been actively searching for alternative routes, primarily through Türkiye, while expecting Moscow to finance them.
According to experts, the key argument of the Russian side will be purely pragmatic: Russian Railways is obliged to ensure technical maintenance and preservation of existing infrastructure, but bears no obligation to finance large-scale restoration works without clear and guaranteed economic parameters.
RZD’s logic is simple: investments are possible only if there are stable and pre-confirmed cargo flows, which currently do not exist on these routes.
For his part, political analyst Dmitry Matyushenkov believes that Pashinyan’s statement paradoxically demonstrates Russia’s continuing influence on Armenia’s agenda, yet quick decisions should not be expected. According to him, maintaining infrastructure does not automatically imply consent to finance projects that affect the interests of third countries and change the regional balance.
Matyushenkov assumes that Moscow will act cautiously, seeking to convert its infrastructure obligations into political leverage. Russia will not completely refuse to discuss the issue, but neither will it play by rules imposed by Yerevan. Most likely, Moscow will demand detailed economic calculations, preliminary agreements on cargo flows with Azerbaijan and Türkiye, and guarantees that the restored lines will not be used to the detriment of Russia’s strategic interests.
An even tougher reaction came from part of the Russian media sphere. Pro-Kremlin blogger and publicist Sergey Kolyasnikov sharply questioned what else Russia supposedly “owes” the Armenian leadership, and suggested that Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Türkiye — if these railways are indeed of interest to them — should finance their restoration themselves.
Earlier, Russia’s Foreign Ministry had noted that the 43-kilometer section of railway through which the so-called “Trump Route” is to pass could potentially come under the management of Russian Railways. However, Yerevan almost immediately stated that this line is the exclusive property of Armenia and will be managed by a joint U.S.–Armenian company within the framework of the TRIPP project.
The recent signing in the United States of a framework document on TRIPP by Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan has effectively removed any possible Russian claims to this section. The document provides for the transfer of the line into management for 49 years, with an option to extend for another half-century, with 76 percent of control going to the United States and 24 percent remaining with Armenia.
Against the backdrop of the formalization of the “Trump Route,” the intensification of trade ties between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and other steps aimed at reducing tensions in the South Caucasus, concrete moves toward normalization of relations between Armenia and Türkiye are also expected in the near future.
Pashinyan himself previously stated that if Russia shows no interest in restoring the Gyumri–Kars line, Armenia will implement the project on its own.
In practical terms, this means that the railway in question will not be operated by Russian Railways.
