But how should one describe the actions of Iran’s ambassador to Armenia, Mr. Mehdi Sobhani?
Let us recall: following a phone call between the Presidents of Azerbaijan and Iran — Ilham Aliyev and Masoud Pezeshkian — the ambassador met with Armenian journalists. With a hardened tone, he stated, “We are ready to die, but we will not tolerate those who speak to us in the language of threats and force. We made the aggressors stop their attacks and are ready to impose the will of the Iranian people.” He then turned to the main issue and began spreading narratives aligned with the Armenian media, claiming that Azerbaijani territory may have been used during attacks on Iran: “We have received information that a small number of drones entered Iranian territory from neighboring countries.” Hence, Tehran is requesting that Azerbaijan conduct a “serious investigation.” According to Mr. Sobhani, Iran is awaiting the results, and its response will largely depend on those findings. “Perhaps the hostile Zionist regime used the territory of a neighboring country. Azerbaijan assured us that it would not allow its territory to be used against Iran. But we all know the Zionist regime well: it respects no rules or laws. So they might have taken advantage of the situation.”
It’s worth noting, as previously reported by Minval, that the controversial Iranian ambassador to Armenia often makes statements that contradict Tehran’s official position. For example, he once claimed — apparently trying to please his Armenian hosts — that “the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh have the right to self-determination,” directly undermining Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. Even during the lowest points in Azerbaijani-Iranian relations, Iranian officials had never made such statements. It fell to Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister to walk back the ambassador’s remarks.
Now the ambassador appears to have once again “crossed the line.” Despite assurances at the highest level from Azerbaijan that its territory was not and would not be used against Iran, Mr. Sobhani demands an investigation — and demands that the results satisfy Tehran. Otherwise, it seems, he’ll take offense.
Let us set aside what exactly those circles Mr. Sobhani represents expect from Azerbaijan — remembering that he came to diplomacy from Iran’s intelligence services. Let us not speculate whether Iran expects Azerbaijan to suddenly announce the “exposure of a Mossad spy network” or something of the sort the morning after his press conference. But let us remind Mr. Sobhani of some realities.
First, Azerbaijan does not engage in deception or political theater — especially not at the highest level. As President Ilham Aliyev has said, “our word carries the same weight as our signature.” Perhaps Mr. Sobhani has been too influenced by the Armenian establishment, where such commitments are not taken seriously — but a diplomat should know the difference between countries. Azerbaijan fully and effectively controls its territory. Thus, fantasies about “malicious Zionists taking advantage of the situation” are fairy tales for children — not serious political discourse.
As for the question of where drones attacking Iran came from, it must be noted: 75% of Israeli drones that struck Iranian nuclear and military sites actually launched from within Iran. To put it bluntly — as shown in what former U.S. President Donald Trump called the “12-day war” — Iran does not effectively control its own territory. If Mossad managed to infiltrate agents, build drone assembly facilities, and launch strikes against heavily guarded targets, Mr. Sobhani should be less arrogant. Iranian intelligence, security services, and military structures have proven ineffective. Iran’s “cloak and dagger” operatives can orchestrate plots abroad and police women’s hair under headscarves — but seem incapable of rooting out Israeli agents operating in the heart of Iran.
These same “malicious Zionists” established a vast network in Iran, obtained intelligence from the core of the Iranian state, and struck key military leaders within hours — which requires knowing where and when targets are located.
Throughout the 12-day exchange of missile strikes, observers recorded no significant performance by Iranian air defenses or the air force. Israeli aircraft operated in Iranian airspace with impunity. Iran’s air defenses were neutralized in the early hours of the conflict.
This was not just an epic failure — it was something far worse. The Iranian government owes its people an explanation: How did this happen? Where did the billions in oil and gas revenue go? Living in a country whose skies and borders are so vulnerable is far from reassuring. But instead of answering tough questions, certain ill-informed Iranian officials are trying to divert public attention — by assigning blame. Azerbaijan, it seems, is the “convenient enemy” chosen for this purpose. And Mr. Mehdi Sobhani is feeding the most absurd falsehoods to earn applause from Armenian audiences — perhaps genuinely believing this to be “sophisticated diplomacy.”
But in reality, it is not even a parody of diplomacy — it’s something worse. Because a diplomat must, of course, strengthen relations with their host country — but without destroying relations with others. Especially now, when Iran can ill afford to alienate not just allies, but neighbors who refrain from hostile actions.
Perhaps Mr. Sobhani simply doesn’t grasp this — a personality flaw, perhaps. If he were a private citizen, it would be his personal issue. But he is an ambassador, an official representative — and the consequences of his actions are therefore far more serious.
That is regrettable. Whatever the case, President Masoud Pezeshkian and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi would do well to rein in their ambassador, who, instead of practicing diplomacy, is engaging in outright sabotage — damaging not only Iranian-Azerbaijani relations but also Iran’s diplomatic reputation as a whole.
A direct question arises: How many blunders must Mr. Sobhani be allowed to make? And if this continues — why is he still in his post? Azerbaijan has the right to know whether it should take guidance from Tehran’s official statements or from the self-serving theatrics of its ambassador in Yerevan.
And finally — if Mr. Sobhani demands an investigation, let him present at least some evidence. If he can find any. Though it is already clear: he has none.
Nurani
