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Aze.Media > Opinion > The Zangezur Corridor: Armenia’s dangerous game
Opinion

The Zangezur Corridor: Armenia’s dangerous game

A crime against the Azerbaijani people—this is how Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev described Armenia’s recent transfer of lands in Western Zangezur last week.

AzeMedia
By AzeMedia Published February 3, 2025 1.9k Views 8 Min Read
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Aerial view of ongoing works on a section of Zangezur Corridor, Azerbaijan, Jan. 9, 2024. (AA Photo)

A crime against the Azerbaijani people—this is how Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev described Armenia’s recent transfer of lands in Western Zangezur last week. He reminded Armenia of its commitments to opening the Zangezur Corridor and emphasized that “there must be a comfortable and unrestricted passage from Azerbaijan to Azerbaijan without any checks or obstacles.” Aliyev stated:

“This is our demand, considering that in November 1920, the Soviet authorities took Western Zangezur from us and committed a crime against the Azerbaijani people. This was neither the first nor the last crime. The second crime, if we follow the sequence, was the creation of the so-called ‘Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region’ on Azerbaijani territory. Before that, another crime was the resettlement of Armenians to Azerbaijani lands by Tsarist Russia. Even earlier, there was the crime of murdering the Khan of Karabakh despite guarantees of his rule. Then came the crimes of the 20th century, which we witnessed with our own eyes— the Khojaly genocide, the events of January 20, and the occupation of our lands in the early 1990s. We have not forgotten this; the Azerbaijani people have not forgotten this. And we will never forget Zangezur. Once again, I reiterate: we have no territorial claims against Armenia. However, Armenia must fulfill its obligations by providing an unhindered route from Azerbaijan to Azerbaijan.”

This is a fundamentally programmatic statement. Aliyev once again made it clear: Azerbaijan does not have territorial claims against Armenia. Engaging in political manipulation and attempting to “redraw borders,” especially regarding the Zangezur Corridor, is not an option. Azerbaijan, it should be noted, has always upheld the principle of respecting internationally recognized borders.

History tells us that in 1991, during the Alma-Ata meeting, there was a proposal to recognize the newly independent post-Soviet republics within their existing borders at the time. Whether this decision was entirely fair, particularly for Azerbaijan, remains an open question. However, at that time, it may have been the lesser of two evils. The former Soviet republics were given a historic opportunity to build their future without border conflicts and wars. But this opportunity was squandered— in no small part due to Armenia.

Armenian representatives nominally signed the Alma-Ata Declaration, but later, their Supreme Council added numerous reservations that included territorial claims against Azerbaijan. What followed was full-scale war, territorial occupation with active Russian support, over a quarter-century of occupation of Azerbaijani lands, and continuous efforts to legitimize this occupation.

History has shown that a country that initiates the forced redrawing of borders ultimately ends up losing its own territory. Especially if, after receiving a decisive response, the aggressor refuses to stop.

Today, Azerbaijan has achieved victory in Karabakh, bringing an end to the occupation of its lands. It is time to turn the page on war and build a peaceful future. However, this does not mean viewing the world through “rose-colored glasses.” Unfortunately, Armenia is once again missing a historic opportunity.

Despite statements from Yerevan about recognizing Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, Armenia’s constitution still contains references to claims over Karabakh. The Armenian government is actively pursuing rearmament, persistently seeking and acquiring offensive weaponry from its allies and patrons. A telling example is the procurement of French CAESAR self-propelled howitzers.

The contradictions in Yerevan’s stance became evident in 2022–2023 when Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, after seemingly recognizing Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity in Prague, went on to congratulate the occupation junta in Khankendi on its “independence day.” At the same time, Armenia maintained a military presence of 15,000 troops in Karabakh, armed with hundreds of tanks, armored vehicles, and artillery systems. Simply put, Armenia still refuses to fully recognize the Alma-Ata borders.

A similar situation exists with Turkey. Armenia has yet to officially recognize its borders with Turkey under the Kars and Moscow Treaties, and its national emblem still features Mount Ağrı (Ararat), a clear symbol of territorial aspirations.

Some in Yerevan may entertain dreams of expanding Armenia’s borders or achieving the so-called “Armenian dreamland from sea to sea.” However, reality is much harsher. If Armenia refuses to recognize its borders with Turkey under the Kars and Moscow Treaties, the alternative is not a return to the long-lost Treaty of Sèvres but rather the Treaty of Alexandropol— which would entail handing over Gyumri to Turkey. The fate of the Russian military base there would then be decided without Armenia’s input.

Likewise, if Armenia refuses to acknowledge its borders with Azerbaijan under the Alma-Ata Declaration, this does not mean it can arbitrarily redraw them. Instead, it would mean reverting to the boundaries established by the Versailles Peace Conference— which placed both Western Zangezur and the Gegharkunik region within Azerbaijan.

If Yerevan fails to grasp these geopolitical realities, it changes little in the grand scheme of things.

Nurani

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