Many countries establish cultural representations in other states with a clear goal: to promote their nation, showcase its history, culture, and modern achievements. Theoretically, “Russian Houses” — a project of the Russian Cooperation Agency (Rossotrudnichestvo) — are created for the same purpose. There’s such an office in Baku too. However, the problem lies in the fact that, in practice, “Russian Houses,” like other structures of Rossotrudnichestvo, are involved not only in promoting Russian culture but also in outright espionage.
The most recent scandal erupted in Cyprus. The local newspaper Cyprus Daily reported that under the guise of educational and cultural programs, the “Russian House,” or the Russian Science and Culture Center, actively recruits young Cypriots to promote Moscow’s interests. Furthermore, it claimed that the RSCC is closely tied to Russian intelligence agencies.
Two years ago, the “Russian House” in Berlin became the center of another scandal. Following a complaint from a Bundestag deputy, the Berlin prosecutor’s office began investigating the “Russian House” for compliance with foreign trade and payment laws during sanctions. There was indeed much to investigate: the Berlin “Russian House” funded a visit to Russia by German citizen Maxim Schlund and organized a mass rally in Cologne in support of Kremlin policies. According to The Insider, Schlund turned out to be a previously convicted Russian named Rostislav Teslyuk.
More striking events surround the “Russian House” in Bangui, the capital of the Central African Republic. It’s the same country where three Russian journalists, including Orkhan Dzhemal, were killed while investigating the activities of the Wagner PMC. Wagner’s founder, Yevgeny Prigozhin, later fell out of favor, staged a mutiny against the Kremlin, lost, and died under suspicious circumstances. Nevertheless, Wagner PMC remains one of the key tools of Russia’s covert policies in Africa. The “Russian House” in Bangui is led by Dmitry Syty, considered one of the pivotal figures in Wagner’s new leadership.
Another notable scandal erupted around Rossotrudnichestvo in the Czech Republic. By the spring of 2020, relations between Russia and Prague city authorities had severely deteriorated. Prague authorities decided to move a monument to Marshal Konev — who led not only the liberation of Prague in 1945 but also the invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968 — to a museum. Additionally, they erected a memorial to honor the “Vlasovites” who also helped liberate Prague from the Nazis. Czech media later revealed, citing intelligence sources, that a Russian diplomat had arrived in Prague with a suitcase containing ricin poison to assassinate Prague Mayor Zdeněk Hřib and District 6 head Ondřej Kolář. Although the “ricin trace” was never officially confirmed, the acting head of Rossotrudnichestvo in the Czech Republic, Andrey Konchakov, and another RSCC staff member, Igor Rybakov, were expelled from the country. Many believed the authorities had intentionally downplayed the issue, especially under the presidency of pro-Russian Milos Zeman.
In 2013, a major espionage scandal involved Yuri Zaitsev, the head of Rossotrudnichestvo in Washington. He was accused of recruiting U.S. citizens. This occurred before the annexation of Crimea, during relatively stable U.S.-Russia relations. If such a scandal erupted under those circumstances, it speaks volumes about the intensity of intelligence activities disguised as Rossotrudnichestvo.
Finally, it’s worth mentioning that frequent visitors of the “Russian House” in Kyiv were among the first separatists in Donbas. This hardly seems coincidental.
Due to sanctions and growing accusations of espionage, Rossotrudnichestvo has been forced to scale back activities in many countries. Projects have been halted in Slovenia, Slovakia, Croatia, North Macedonia, and Romania.
To date, no espionage activities by the “Russian House” staff in Baku have been confirmed, nor have scandals akin to those in Kazakhstan, where propagandist films about life in occupied Ukrainian territories were shown to children. However, Azerbaijan has also encountered provocative activities disguised as “cultural programs.” One of the most outrageous incidents occurred in October 2019, when the Russian Cultural Center hosted an exhibition dedicated to Yevgeny Primakov — one of the organizers of the January 1990 crackdown in Baku. Naturally, the exhibition omitted Primakov’s role in orchestrating punitive actions against the Azerbaijani population.
Another example: in June 2023, the “Russian House” in Baku participated in the “Geography Night,” an event organized by the Russian Geographical Society traditionally headed by the Defense Minister. Azerbaijani schoolchildren were invited and lectured about the Spitsbergen Archipelago — a sovereign Norwegian territory that Russia is attempting to claim.
In light of all this, an uncomfortable but necessary question arises: how long will Baku tolerate this nest of spies and provocateurs? There’s ample evidence that the real activities of “Russian Houses” deviate far from cultural promotion. While cultural programs are welcomed, espionage and provocations under this guise should have no place in Azerbaijan. If Rossotrudnichestvo cannot respect Azerbaijan’s history, sovereignty, and international law, it should be shown the door.
Nurani
Translated from minval.az
